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Algeria Poses a Serious Economic Challenge to Future Government

Besides the popular uprising at home, the current rulers must also keep an eye on regional hotspots, including neighboring Libya

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politics, africa, algeria
A protester chants slogans during a demonstration against Algeria's leadership, in Algiers, April 12, 2019. VOA

The tens of thousands of protesters who have taken to the streets for an eighth straight week aren’t the only crisis roiling Algeria. Helping to drive the unrest in Africa’s largest nation—and posing a serious challenge to any future government— is the economy.

Two months of mass demonstrations continued Friday, as Algerians pushed for a broader overhaul of the country’s system, despite elections set for July 4 by newly appointed interim leader, Abdelkader Bensalah. The protests have been largely peaceful, although there were some clashes reported this time along with scores of arrests, and police used water cannons and teargas in the capital Algiers.

“Bensalah, clear off, FLN clear off,” protesters chanted, referring to Algeria’s ruling party.

But many are also calling for a fundamental reboot of the country’s ailing, energy dependent economy that has failed to diversify and deliver jobs to its majority-young population. The unrest, in turn, is adding to Algeria’s economic headaches, analysts say.

“The economy is not in good shape,” said Paris-based Algerian analyst Alexandre Kateb. “The protests are the last straw, but the economic problems go deeper than that.”

algeria, politics
Tens of thousands of Algerians are seen gathered for a demonstration against the country’s leadership, in Algiers, April 12, 2019. VOA

Critics have long accused a power elite surrounding former president Abdelaziz Bouteflika of mismanagement and corruption, arguing a large chunk of the wealth is pocketed by a privileged minority. But for years, Algeria’s oil- and gas-rich economy served as a salve for a restless nation, helping to bankroll housing and other social subsidies.

It may be one explanation, some say—along with the country’s devastating 1990s civil war—why the broader Arab Spring uprising of 2011 failed to take off in Algeria.

Falling oil prices

But plummeting oil prices several years later helped to thin wallets and sharpen grassroots anger. Today, more than one-quarter of people under 25 are unemployed, and many Algerians work in the country’s vast informal sector. Successive governments have failed to privatize and capitalize on promising sectors for development such as tourism and agro-industry.

Earlier this week, the International Monetary Fund downgraded the country’s 2019 forecasted growth to 2.3 percent, from a previous 2.7 percent last October.

“The main motivation is still political,” analyst Kateb said of the protests. “But if the economic situation was better, probably the momentum would be less important. We would not have seen the magnitude of the protests that we see now.”

In the immediate future, Algeria’s economic woes may take a back seat. Besides the popular uprising at home, the current rulers must also keep an eye on regional hotspots, including neighboring Libya.

“From an interim government perspective, it’s just about maintaining stability and avoiding any real crisis beyond where we are at the moment,” said Adel Hamaizia, a North Africa expert for London-based think-tank Chatham House.

Algeria, politics
Young people chant slogans during an anti-government demonstration in Algiers, Algeria, April 10, 2019. VOA

“But whoever comes in really has to finally lead an ambitious economic program,” he added, “which helps Algeria realize its potential, develop an independent private sector, diversify, and attract investment on the correct terms.”

Those challenges are daunting. The ruling National Liberation Front or FLN party, in power since independence, has had little incentive to change a status quo that benefited them, many analysts say. Algeria’s business climate has been a turn-off for foreign investors. A case in point: a rule stipulating 51 percent of company shares must be owned by in-country nationals or businesses.

Although energy production continued to chug on during Algeria’s so called “black decade” of violence in the 1990s, further growth stalled. When he came to power in 1999, Bouteflika was credited for ushering in peace. At the beginning, analyst Kateb said, the former president also tried to reform the economy.

“I think he really wanted to give more freedom to entrepreneurs, he really tried to privatize the system,” Kateb said, adding subsequent financial scandals and the global financial crisis ended hope for change.

Inertia and bureaucracy

Kateb, who later served as an economic advisor to ex-prime minister Abelmalek Sellal, said subsequent reform efforts also stalled.

“If you don’t change the whole functioning of the system,” he said, “whatever you do at the margins will be completely absorbed by this inertia and black hole of government bureaucracy.”

algeria, politics
An elderly woman confronts security forces during an anti-government demonstration in Algiers, Algeria, April 10, 2019. VOA

If July elections go through as planned, Algerians will be strongly pushing for economic deliverables.

“I’m sure the many of the slogans are going to be centered around anti-corruption, inclusive growth, economic justice, diversification, and job creation,” said Hamaizia of Chatham House.

For the moment, there appear few clear candidates to champion such causes. Both the country’s ruling FLN and traditional opposition parties are largely discredited in the eyes of many Algerians.

Earlier this week, however, the interior ministry announced licenses for 10 new political parties, Reuters news agency reported, citing Algeria’s Ennahar TV channel.

Analyst Kateb believes the country needs a technocratic government to steer through needed changes, at least over the next few years.

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He believes there is no lack of talent to staff it, both in Algeria and abroad, where thousands of young professionals have flocked in recent decades for lack of opportunities at home.

“Now they’re not really considered,” Kateb said, “and this has to change.” (VOA)

Next Story

“Digitalisation Has Shaped And Will Continue To Shape This Convergence,” Five Years That Transformed The Way India Communicates

At the same time, projecting the scenario of the future "would be entering unchartered territory" but "three codundrums emerge clearly at the present moment".

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The difference between that "churn" and the contemporary scene today "is that the very pace of the change has exponentially accelerated as digital pathways allow global capital to access markets across the world more efficiently than ever. Pixabay

When Anna Hazare launched his India Against Corruption (IAC) in 2011, little did he realise the media convergence – some term it media disruption – the movement would cause over the next five years, unleashing a “spiral of mediatisation with its ever-widening gyres” that has forever changed the manner in which the country’s citizens and media outlets look at what constitutes news and its delivery.

“When hundreds and thousands of demonstrators converge at a particular spot in real time through Facebook posts and live television coverage; when newspapers get their leads from tweets put out by demonstrators ring-fenced by police; and when an election campaign speech at a rally in rural Madhya Pradesh reaches multiple audiences through WhatsApp, we are talking about radical transformations in the way converged media content is being transmitted, received, negotiated and acted upon in India,” journalist-author Pamela Philipose says in her new book.

social media
“Non-human processes will raise the speeds at which news/information is generated and it will be tailored to the needs and proclivities of discrete audiences and delivered to them with an unimaginable efficiency,” the author notes. Piixabay

“Digitalisation has shaped and will continue to shape this convergence,” Philipose writes in “Media’s Shifting Terrain – Five Years that Transformed the Way India Communicates” (Orient Blackswann/pp 302), covering the period from the launch of the IAC, through the Nirbhaya gang-rape of 2012, the arrival of the AAP and its brief stint in power in 2013, the rise of the BJP and Narendra Modi in 2014, and the AAP returning to power with an overwhelming majority in 2015.

A quarter century ago, the nature of media content was “fundamentally changed” by the 24×7 TV news cycle. The difference between that “churn” and the contemporary scene today “is that the very pace of the change has exponentially accelerated as digital pathways allow global capital to access markets across the world more efficiently than ever” Philipose notes.

Thus, the data gleaned from users will go to fuel the next wave of the information revolution through artificial intelligence (AI), bring about an era when large tech companies launch products “not for the revenue they bring through the content they circulate but through the data generated through such circulation of content, which can then be monetised through other products driven by AI”. Philipose writes.

“Non-human processes will raise the speeds at which news/information is generated and it will be tailored to the needs and proclivities of discrete audiences and delivered to them with an unimaginable efficiency,” the author notes.

So, if journalism underwent a “complete overhaul” with the age of satellite television, “media functioning in the digital age is undergoing multiple, shape-shifting disruptions, all of them occurring simultaneously along different axes”, the book points out.

facebook
Hundreds and thousands of demonstrators converge at a particular spot in real time through Facebook posts and live television coverage. VOA

At the same time, projecting the scenario of the future “would be entering unchartered territory” but “three codundrums emerge clearly at the present moment”.

The first is the “asymmetrical nature” of access “largely because it is easier to achieve technological inclusion than social inclusion”.

The second conumdrum is that being digital have-nots “does not protect people from the dangers of the internet world, like privacy violations and digital disinformation or fake news”.

The third conundrum “is the drive for the control of audiences by a range of actors through various technological devices and strategies”.

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To this extent, Philipose writes, the electoral triumphs of a politician like Narendra Modi, not only in the 2014 general elction but also in a series of subsequent state elections, “were crucially hinged on the creation of hyper-partisanship through the most sophisticated use of media platforms and technologies that the country had ever seen”.

The impact of this “far outlived” the elections themselves, “with the consequent polarisation permiating Indian society and politics, and teams of ‘influencers’ set up for elections continuing to influence the political discourse through interventions like trolling and the coordinated generation of fake news”, the book concludes. (IANS)