
In the 2021 Assam assembly elections, India's ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) campaigned extensively, framing the election as the “last battle of Saraighat” and a final opportunity to safeguard the “Jati, Mati, and Bheti” (community, home, and hearth) of Indigenous people. The Battle of Saraighat, fought in 1671 in present-day Guwahati, the largest city in the Indian state of Assam, was the Mughal Empire’s final major attempt to extend its control into Assam — a move that was successfully repelled by the Ahom Kingdom. Critics argued that this slogan, while ostensibly about protecting indigenous communities, subtly targeted India-born Bengali Muslims, often referred to as “Miyas” in Assam.
Since then, the BJP-led Assam government, under the leadership of Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, has been accused of escalating anti-Bengali Muslim narratives. As the next Assam election approaches, this alleged policy has intensified, notably through a significant increase in the eviction of Bengali Muslim communities
Since forming the government in Assam, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has frequently raised concerns regarding the state's population and demographic shifts. The party has expressed particular suspicion about the Muslim population, especially those who speak Bengali, alleging that many are illegal immigrants of Bangladeshi origin. In recent years, the BJP-led state government has initiated extensive eviction drives primarily targeting Bengali-speaking Muslim communities, often citing claims of illegal land encroachment.
Since the British colonial era, a significant number of Bengali-speaking Muslims have migrated to Assam. This influx was largely driven by the British East India Company's efforts to cultivate Assam's “wastelands,” leading to these communities settling in the state's riverine or “Char” areas.
By the 1970s, nativist Assamese organizations, spearheaded by the All Assam Students’ Union, launched the Assam Movement. They aimed to expel undocumented immigrants, primarily accusing a large portion of Indian-born Bengali Muslims of being illegal Bangladeshi immigrants. The movement culminated in the signing of the Assam Accord, which mandated the creation of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) specifically for Assam.
In 2016, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came to power in Assam State and spearheaded the NRC process. This updated register subsequently excluded a substantial number (1.9 million people) of the Bengali Muslim population, intensifying an already complex socio-political issue. The NRC process also made many people more vulnerable to governmental abuse.
In 2021, the BJP returned to power in Assam for a second consecutive term, with Himanta Biswa Sarma assuming office as chief minister. Sarma gained national attention due to his hardcore Hindu nationalist narratives. He accused Miyas of grabbing land in Assam illegally, claiming they are a threat to Assam’s culture and identity.
Chief Minister Sarma has consistently targeted the Bengali Muslim, or Miya, communities, alleging their involvement in various forms of “jihad,” broadening the term beyond its conventional religious context to describe a spectrum of alleged crimes.
On multiple occasions, Sarma has accused the Miya community of “land jihad” through encroachment and has advocated for eviction drives in the affected regions. He went even further and in August 2024, he announced a new law for land transactions between Hindus and Muslims, which will require prior Chief Ministerial consent.
Sarma has alleged what he calls “Fertilizer Jihad,” claiming that Miya farmers are excessively using fertilizers and insecticides on produce, thereby conducting a “chemical and biological attack” on the Assamese people. He has also accused them of “Flood Jihad,” claiming that a Muslim-owned private university is responsible for contributing to floods in Guwahati city.
More recently, Sarma initiated a fresh controversy by alleging “Online Jihad,” asserting that Muslim individuals are creating social media accounts using Hindu names to spread hate and create communal disharmony.
However, the targeting of the Miya community in Assam is not limited to the rhetoric of the Sarma-led BJP government. Various nativist Assamese social organizations are also actively involved in the campaign against them.
In Jorhat city, for instance, the hyper-nationalist Assamese organization Bir Lachit Sena accused a person named Azad Choudhary of being an “illegal Bangladeshi” who was allegedly occupying government-owned land through fraudulent means. The organization's protest gained traction and ultimately led to the demolition of Choudhary's house. This incident underscores the direct and often impactful role of such groups in the broader narrative and actions against the Miya community in Assam.
The continuous targeting of Miya communities often leads to evictions, as they are repeatedly branded as illegal encroachers and Bangladeshis. Since Himanta Biswa Sarma became Chief Minister in 2021, such evictions have increased significantly.
These operations frequently render people homeless, denying them access to shelter, food, and hygiene. They are impacting families with school-age children and infants, undermining their dignity and future opportunities. The evictions also provoke protests from those asserting their rights, leading to clashes between police forces and protestors, sometimes with deadly consequences.
In 2021, for instance, the Assam government launched the “Garukhuti Agriculture Project” in the Dhalpur area of the Darrang district, aiming to clear land to create agricultural opportunities for Indigenous youth, which resulted in the eviction of nearly 2,050 Miya families.
The government stated that these individuals were illegally occupying the project area. During the first phase of the evictions in September 2021, the administration encountered significant protests. A scuffle ensued between protestors and the police, and the police opened fire on the protestors, killing 28-year-old farmer Mianal Haq and 12-year-old Sheikh Farid. The government's promise to resettle these families with new land was only partially fulfilled, with many receiving significantly less land than they previously occupied.
One evictee named Sohabuddin Ahmed told Al Jazeera:
In January 2023, approximately 500 Bengali-speaking Muslim families were evicted from the Pabha Reserve Forest area. The forest department stated these residents were living illegally, citing a court order. All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) leader Badaruddin Ajmal condemned the evictions as illegal and discriminatory, alleging they specifically targeted Bengali-speaking Muslims.
In June 2024, approximately 8,000 Bengali-speaking Muslims were evicted from railway land in Morigaon district. Their homes, along with a madrasa and a mosque, were demolished. However, many of those displaced alleged that the evictions specifically targeted Muslims, noting that numerous Hindu families and temples in the same area remained untouched.
The controversial policy of evictions resumed in June 2025. Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma declared a fresh round of massive evictions in areas predominantly inhabited by Bengali-speaking Muslims, asserting these lands had been stolen. He further stated that his administration has already reclaimed around 25,000 acres of land through such drives in the last four years and is committed to more evictions.
In June 2025, the government initiated evictions in the Nalbari district, citing the area as a Village Grazing Reserve (VGR). Concurrently, in Dhubri district, approximately 1,400 Bengali-speaking Muslim families were displaced from 450 hectares of land, leading to the demolition of nearly 1,700 structures, including homes and mosques. Furthermore, on July 12, the administration conducted another eviction drive in Goalpara district, affecting over 1,080 families in Haseela Beel and Paikan Reserve forest village, claiming the land is a wetland and a reserve forest and the eviction is court-ordered.
The ongoing “communal bulldozer politics” in Assam has resulted in widespread human rights violations. A substantial majority of the evictees are impoverished and now face homelessness, yet the government remains seemingly indifferent to their plight. Assam's Chief Minister has publicly declared that there is nothing humane about eviction, asserting that he is merely executing court orders. Disturbingly, he also stated that he cannot empathize with them, suggesting they pose a threat to the Assamese population. He also warned there would be retribution against those who oppose the eviction process.
However, opposition continues, and these eviction drives have gained considerable attention in Assam, drawing protests from major opposition parties and organizations. The All Assam Minority Students Union (AAMSU) condemned the actions as discriminatory and targeted attacks on Bengali-speaking Muslims. Similarly, the All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) has protested against what it calls “inhuman and unjustified” evictions.
Countless politicians have weighed in on the issue. Dor example, Shantanu, a Congressional leader, posted on X, saying that the government is evicting poor people to provide the land to the industrialist Adani for his power plant.
Raijor Dol (People's Party) leader Akhil Gogoi posted on Facebook, saying the government has killed humanity.
The Indian National Congress (INC) strongly condemned the process as illegal and vowed to challenge it in court. Additionally, Raijor Dal president Akhil Gogoi visited the affected areas, denouncing the government's “arbitrary actions.”
As elections draw near in Assam, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) appears to be intensifying its strategy of religious polarization in a bid to consolidate voter support. Bengali Muslims — a community already burdened by widespread poverty and systemic marginalization — have once again emerged as primary targets of the BJP-led right-wing government. Their socio-economic vulnerability often limits their ability to seek legal redress or effectively challenge state actions. The ongoing mass evictions, widely seen as a communal tactic, represent a grave violation of the fundamental human rights of these individuals and erode the constitutional principle of equal justice for all. [GlobalVoices/VP]