New Delhi, March 19, 2017: Learning from its peers in the past, Delhi police has girded up their loins in to protect its streets and citizens from Jat agitation which is scheduled for Monday, March 20th.
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The All India Jat Aarakshan Sangarsh Samiti (AIJASS), which is spearheading the agitation demanding reservations in education and government jobs, has given a call for a march to the national capital to gherao Parliament and to hold dharnas on the Delhi border blocking all highways to press for its demands.
In order to take control over the forthcoming movement, Delhi police have issued a number of directives to be followed by people with effect from March 19 onwards.
Restriction on Entry of People to Lutyens Delhi
“New Delhi will not be used as transit point for people going from north to south Delhi or vice-versa. Commuters wishing to travel from south Delhi to central Delhi are advised to use Ring Road,” said Delhi Traffic Police in an advisory published on the twitter handle of Delhi police.
Several routes in the national capital, including Zakir Hussain Road, will be closed in view of the Jat agitation from March 19, 8.00 pm onwards, mentioned the advisory.
The roads which will remain closed are-
Kemal Ataturk Marg from Race Course Metro Station to Panchseel Marg
Safdarjung Road to Aurobindo Chowk
Kautilya Marg from Samrat Hotel to Niti Marg
Kautilya T-Point near Bihar Bhawan
Teen Murti to Gole Methi roundabout
Zakir Hussain road for the commuters coming from Nizamuddin to India Gate
Apart from the roads, the advisory of Delhi Police further mentioned about five entry points to Delhi which will remain closed from 11 a.m March 19 onwards. They are:
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Ring Road to San Martin Marg
Amrita Shergill to Lodhi Road
Max Muller Road to Lodhi Road
Archbishop Makarios Marg from Lodhi Road and all lanes leading to Panchkuiyan Road except Mandir Marg
R.K. Ashram and Hospital Road
The Delhi Police advised students and those appearing in various entrance examinations to start before time so that they don’t get stuck owing to heavy checking and blockades.
Conditional Entries to Lutyens Delhi
From 11 PM today, entry to Lutyens Delhi will be restricted and persons fulfilling certain criterion will only be allowed entry after proper verification and checking. It has also issued a list of categories of people, who will be allowed to enter Delhi districts. The list includes:
People working in various offices situated in New Delhi area
People coming to attend interviews
Examination in New Delhi area
Ambulances and fire brigades
Buses of school children and any other people coming for some urgent work
Section 144 Imposed
Delhi Police has decided to impose prohibitory orders under CrPC Section 144 across the national capital from March 19 onwards in a wake of putting a strict vigil in Lutyens Delhi on Monday to prevent protesters.
“Under no circumstances, any kind of dharna, violent protest will be allowed in Delhi. We have put adequate security and safety measures in place and tractor-trolleys will not be allowed to enter Delhi from border areas,” said Dependra Pathak, chief spokesperson of Delhi Police and Special Commissioner of Police (Operations) while talking to India Today
Last year, in the same month, Haryana witnessed the repercussions of Jat agitation which turned the state into a riot land; burning down the public and private properties, breaking and disrupting the modes of public transportation likes buses and trains. The losses suffered by the state with mammoth destructions in this movement was estimated around 34000 crores.
-prepared by Ashish Srivastava of NewsGram Twitter @PhulRetard
Atal Bihari Vajpayee was a man of moderation in a fraternity of jingoistic nationalists; a peace visionary in a region riven by religious animosity; and a man who believed in India’s destiny and was ready to fight for it.
Former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee (93), who died on Thursday, will go down in history as a person who tried to end years of hostility with Pakistan and put development on the front burner of the country’s political agenda. He was also the first non-Congress Prime Minister to complete a full five-year term.
Even though he lived the last 13 years of his life in virtual isolation, dogged by debilitating illnesses and bedridden, he has left an enduring legacy for the nation and the region where he was much loved and respected across the political spectrum and national boundaries, including in Pakistan.
In the tumultuous period he presided over the destiny of the world’s largest democracy, Vajpayee stunned the world by making India a declared nuclear state and then almost went to war with Pakistan before making peace with it in the most dramatic fashion.
In the process, his popularity came to match that of Indira Gandhi, a woman he admired for her guts even as he hated her politics.
He also became the best-known national leader after Indira Gandhi and her father Jawaharlal Nehru.
After despairing for years that he would never become Prime Minister and was destined to remain an opposition leader all his life, he achieved his goal, but only for 13 days, from May 16-28, 1996, after his deputy, L.K. Advani, chose not to contest elections that year.
His second term came on March 19, 1998, and lasted 13 months, a period during which India stunned the world by undertaking a series of nuclear tests that invited global reproach.
Although his tenure again proved short-lived, his and his government’s enhanced stature following the world-defying blasts enabled him to return as Prime Minister for the third time on October 13, 1999, a tenure that lasted a full five-year term.
When finally he stepped down in May 2004, after an election that he was given to believe he would win, it marked the end of a long and eventful political career spanning six decades.
Vajpayee had gone into these elections riding a personality cult that projected him as a man who had brought glory to the nation in unprecedented ways. The BJP’s election strategy rested on seeking a renewed mandate over three broad pillars of achievement that the government claimed — political stability in spite of the pulls and pressures of running a multi-party coalition; a “shining” economy that saw a dizzying 10.4 percent growth in the last quarter of the previous year; and peace with Pakistan that changed the way the two countries looked at each other for over 50 years.
The results of the elections could not have come as a greater shock to a man who was hailed for his achievements and who was named by Time magazine as one of the 100 influential men of the decade.
Success didn’t come easily to the charismatic politician, who was born on Christmas Day in 1924 in Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh, into a family of moderate means. His father was a school teacher and Vajpayee would later recall his early brush with poverty.
He did his Masters in Political Science, studying at the Victoria College in Gwalior and at the DAV College in Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh, where he first contested, and lost, elections. He began his professional career as a journalist, working with Rashtradharma, a Hindi monthly, Panchjanya, a Hindi weekly, and two Hindi dailies, Swadesh and Veer Arjun. By then he had firmly embraced the ideals of the Hindu nationalist Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS).
But even as he struggled to win electoral battles, his command over Hindi, the lingua franca of the North Indian masses, his conciliatory politics and his riveting oratory brought him into public limelight.
His first entry into Parliament was in 1962 through the Rajya Sabha, the upper house. It was only in 1971 that he won a Lok Sabha election. He was elected to the lower house seven times and to the Rajya Sabha twice.
Vajpayee spent months in prison when Indira Gandhi imposed Emergency rule in June 1975 and put her political opponents in jail. When the Janata Party took office in 1977, dethroning the Congress for the first time, he became the foreign minister.
The lowest point in his career came when he lost the 1984 Lok Sabha polls, that too from his birthplace Gwalior, after Rajiv Gandhi won an overwhelming majority following his mother Indira Gandhi’s assassination. And the BJP he led ended up with just two seats in
the 545-member Lok Sabha, in what looked like the end of the road for the right-wing party.
In no time, Vajpayee was replaced and “eclipsed” by his long-time friend L.K. Advani.
Although they were the best of friends publicly, Vajpayee never fully agreed with Advani’s and the assorted Hindu nationalist groups’ strident advocacy of Hindutva, an ideology ranged against the idea of secular India.
Often described as the right man in the wrong party, there were also those who belittled him as a moderate “mask” to a hardline Hindu nationalist ideology. Often he found his convictions and value systems at odds with the party, but the bachelor-politician never went against it.
It was precisely this persona of Vajpayee — one merged in Hindutva ideology yet seemingly not wholly willing to bow to it — that won him admirers cutting across the political spectrum. It was this trait that made him the Prime Minister when the BJP’s allies concluded they needed a moderate to steer a hardliner, pro-Hindu party.
He brought into governance measures that created for India a distinct international status on the diplomatic and economic fronts. In his third prime ministerial stint, Vajpayee launched a widely acclaimed diplomatic initiative by starting a bus service between New Delhi and Pakistan’s Lahore city.
Its inaugural run in February 1999 carried Vajpayee and was welcomed on the border by his Pakistan counterpart Nawaz Sharif. It was suspended only after the 2001 terror attack on the Indian Parliament that nearly led to a war between the two nuclear-armed neighbours.
The freeze between the two countries, including an eyeball-to-eyeball confrontation on the border for nearly a year, was finally cracked in the spring of 2003 when Vajpayee, while in Kashmir, extended a “hand of friendship” to Pakistan. That led to the historic summit in January 2004 with then President Pervez Musharraf in Islamabad — a remarkable U-turn after the failed summit in Agra of 2001. Despite the two men being so far apart in every way, Musharraf developed a strong liking for the Indian leader.
His unfinished task, one that he would probably rue, would be the peace process with Pakistan that he had vowed to pursue to its logical conclusion and a resolution of the Kashmir dispute.
He was not known as “Atal-Ji”, a name that translates into firmness, for nothing. He could go against the grain of his party if he saw it deviate from its path. When Hindu hardliners celebrated the destruction of the 16th century Babri Mosque at Ayodhya, he was full of personal remorse for the apocalyptic action and called it — in a landmark interview to IANS — the “worst miscalculation” and a “misadventure”. He even despaired that “moderates have no place — who is going to listen to the voice of sanity?”
In his full five-year term, he successively carried forward India’s economic reforms programme with initiatives to improve infrastructure, including flagging off a massive national highway project that has become associated with his vision, went for massive privatisation of unviable state undertakings despite opposition from even within his own party.
While his personal image remained unsullied despite his long innings in the murky politics of this country, his judgment was found wanting when his government was rocked by an arms bribery scandal that sought to expose alleged payoffs to some senior members of his cabinet. His failure to speak up when members of his party and its sister organisations, who are accused of killing more than 1,000 Muslims in Gujarat, was questioned by the liberal fraternity who wondered aloud about his secular proclamations. He wanted then Chief Minister — now Prime Minister, Narendra Modi — to take responsibility for the riots and quit but was prevailed upon by others not to press his decision.
A day before his party lost power, Vajpayee was quoted as saying in a television interview that if and when he stepped down he would like to devote his time to writing and poetry. But fate ruled otherwise. The man who once rued that “I have waited too long to be Prime Minister” found his last days in a world far removed from the adulation and attention — though across the nation people prayed for his well-being — surrounded only by care-givers and close family whom he even failed to recognize. (IANS)