The term ‘Dhanteras’, “Dhan” denotes wealth and Goddess Lakshmi is worshiped on this day to gain wealth, prosperity, and well-being
To mark the celebration of ‘Dhanteras’ the households along with the business premises are wonderfully decorated and adorned with colorful traditional “Rangoli” designs
Everyone throngs to the market to buy gold or ornaments in order to bring good luck in the form of wealth
October 27, 2016: India is a land of vibrant colors and majestic festivities. Multiple celebrations and festivals are celebrated throughout the year, all around the nation. The traditions, the heritage, the celebrations are a major part of what defines our country and glorify India.
One of the oldest celebrations is the ‘Dhanteras’ celebration. This ancient festival marks the beginning of the much awaited and widely celebrated ‘Diwali’ festival. On the Hindu month of ‘Kartik’ i.e. October-November, the 13th lunar day of “Krishna Paksha” sees the pompous celebration of the auspicious ‘Dhanteras’. It is also referred as the “Dhantriyodashi” or the “Dhanwantari Triyodashi”.
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Meaning and the Traditions:-
In the term ‘Dhanteras’, “Dhan” denotes wealth. Goddess Lakshmi is worshiped on this day to gain wealth, prosperity, and well-being. ‘Lakshmi Puja’ is performed during the evening and according to Hindu myths- tiny “Diyas” (lamps) made of clay are brightly lit in order to drive away the evil-spirits! Following this day, the whole country gets illuminated with “diyas” on the occasion of the festivity till Diwali to ward off the evil from the earth.
On the day of ‘Dhanteras’, it is considered extremely auspicious to purchase silver or gold items and new articles or utensils. According to the Hindus, “Dhan” or wealth in the form of brand new gold or silver made items will usher good fortune in life! Therefore, along with the ritual of “Lakshmi Puja”, another important custom is buying ‘wealth’ on ‘Dhanteras’.
Legends and History:-
The celebration of the auspicious ‘Dhanteras’ has some legends behind it. One of them is the story of the son of King Hima. It is said that the prince was doomed that he would die of a snake bite on the 4th day of his marriage. To prevent that, the wife of the young prince lit up innumerable lamps all around the place and kept a myriad of ornaments and wealth designed in a heap while keeping the prince young with her melodious songs.
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As ‘Yama’, the lord of death tried to enter in the disguise of a serpent in the prince’s chamber, he was blinded by the shimmer and dazzle of the brilliancy of the shining lamps and the wealth. He tried to approach further from the top of the heap but was mesmerized by the music and kept listening. The night passed and he had to go away without taking the prince. Since then, this very day came to be referred as “Yamadeepan” and the lamps are kept burning bright all through the night in reverential admiration of the lord of death.
Preparations and Celebrations:-
To mark the celebration of ‘Dhanteras’ the households along with the business premises are wonderfully decorated and adorned with colorful traditional “Rangoli” designs. To indicate goddess Lakshmi’s arrival and decorate the houses tiny footprints are painted with vermilion powder and rice flour. Devotional songs are sung and brightly lit lamps are kept to burn through the night. “Naivedya” or sweets are offered to the goddess. Maharashtra observes the custom of offering coriander seeds with jaggery as the “naivedya”. Everyone throngs to the market to buy gold or ornaments and the festival is celebrated with vigor and spirit.
This year, the festival is on 28th October and about to be celebrated with pomp and spirit. ‘Dhanteras’ heralds the famous ‘Diwali’ and the day of ‘Dhanteras’ keeps on being one of the glamorously celebrated, much awaited and adored festival of India.
Atal Bihari Vajpayee was a man of moderation in a fraternity of jingoistic nationalists; a peace visionary in a region riven by religious animosity; and a man who believed in India’s destiny and was ready to fight for it.
Former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee (93), who died on Thursday, will go down in history as a person who tried to end years of hostility with Pakistan and put development on the front burner of the country’s political agenda. He was also the first non-Congress Prime Minister to complete a full five-year term.
Even though he lived the last 13 years of his life in virtual isolation, dogged by debilitating illnesses and bedridden, he has left an enduring legacy for the nation and the region where he was much loved and respected across the political spectrum and national boundaries, including in Pakistan.
In the tumultuous period he presided over the destiny of the world’s largest democracy, Vajpayee stunned the world by making India a declared nuclear state and then almost went to war with Pakistan before making peace with it in the most dramatic fashion.
In the process, his popularity came to match that of Indira Gandhi, a woman he admired for her guts even as he hated her politics.
He also became the best-known national leader after Indira Gandhi and her father Jawaharlal Nehru.
After despairing for years that he would never become Prime Minister and was destined to remain an opposition leader all his life, he achieved his goal, but only for 13 days, from May 16-28, 1996, after his deputy, L.K. Advani, chose not to contest elections that year.
His second term came on March 19, 1998, and lasted 13 months, a period during which India stunned the world by undertaking a series of nuclear tests that invited global reproach.
Although his tenure again proved short-lived, his and his government’s enhanced stature following the world-defying blasts enabled him to return as Prime Minister for the third time on October 13, 1999, a tenure that lasted a full five-year term.
When finally he stepped down in May 2004, after an election that he was given to believe he would win, it marked the end of a long and eventful political career spanning six decades.
Vajpayee had gone into these elections riding a personality cult that projected him as a man who had brought glory to the nation in unprecedented ways. The BJP’s election strategy rested on seeking a renewed mandate over three broad pillars of achievement that the government claimed — political stability in spite of the pulls and pressures of running a multi-party coalition; a “shining” economy that saw a dizzying 10.4 percent growth in the last quarter of the previous year; and peace with Pakistan that changed the way the two countries looked at each other for over 50 years.
The results of the elections could not have come as a greater shock to a man who was hailed for his achievements and who was named by Time magazine as one of the 100 influential men of the decade.
Success didn’t come easily to the charismatic politician, who was born on Christmas Day in 1924 in Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh, into a family of moderate means. His father was a school teacher and Vajpayee would later recall his early brush with poverty.
He did his Masters in Political Science, studying at the Victoria College in Gwalior and at the DAV College in Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh, where he first contested, and lost, elections. He began his professional career as a journalist, working with Rashtradharma, a Hindi monthly, Panchjanya, a Hindi weekly, and two Hindi dailies, Swadesh and Veer Arjun. By then he had firmly embraced the ideals of the Hindu nationalist Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS).
But even as he struggled to win electoral battles, his command over Hindi, the lingua franca of the North Indian masses, his conciliatory politics and his riveting oratory brought him into public limelight.
His first entry into Parliament was in 1962 through the Rajya Sabha, the upper house. It was only in 1971 that he won a Lok Sabha election. He was elected to the lower house seven times and to the Rajya Sabha twice.
Vajpayee spent months in prison when Indira Gandhi imposed Emergency rule in June 1975 and put her political opponents in jail. When the Janata Party took office in 1977, dethroning the Congress for the first time, he became the foreign minister.
The lowest point in his career came when he lost the 1984 Lok Sabha polls, that too from his birthplace Gwalior, after Rajiv Gandhi won an overwhelming majority following his mother Indira Gandhi’s assassination. And the BJP he led ended up with just two seats in
the 545-member Lok Sabha, in what looked like the end of the road for the right-wing party.
In no time, Vajpayee was replaced and “eclipsed” by his long-time friend L.K. Advani.
Although they were the best of friends publicly, Vajpayee never fully agreed with Advani’s and the assorted Hindu nationalist groups’ strident advocacy of Hindutva, an ideology ranged against the idea of secular India.
Often described as the right man in the wrong party, there were also those who belittled him as a moderate “mask” to a hardline Hindu nationalist ideology. Often he found his convictions and value systems at odds with the party, but the bachelor-politician never went against it.
It was precisely this persona of Vajpayee — one merged in Hindutva ideology yet seemingly not wholly willing to bow to it — that won him admirers cutting across the political spectrum. It was this trait that made him the Prime Minister when the BJP’s allies concluded they needed a moderate to steer a hardliner, pro-Hindu party.
He brought into governance measures that created for India a distinct international status on the diplomatic and economic fronts. In his third prime ministerial stint, Vajpayee launched a widely acclaimed diplomatic initiative by starting a bus service between New Delhi and Pakistan’s Lahore city.
Its inaugural run in February 1999 carried Vajpayee and was welcomed on the border by his Pakistan counterpart Nawaz Sharif. It was suspended only after the 2001 terror attack on the Indian Parliament that nearly led to a war between the two nuclear-armed neighbours.
The freeze between the two countries, including an eyeball-to-eyeball confrontation on the border for nearly a year, was finally cracked in the spring of 2003 when Vajpayee, while in Kashmir, extended a “hand of friendship” to Pakistan. That led to the historic summit in January 2004 with then President Pervez Musharraf in Islamabad — a remarkable U-turn after the failed summit in Agra of 2001. Despite the two men being so far apart in every way, Musharraf developed a strong liking for the Indian leader.
His unfinished task, one that he would probably rue, would be the peace process with Pakistan that he had vowed to pursue to its logical conclusion and a resolution of the Kashmir dispute.
He was not known as “Atal-Ji”, a name that translates into firmness, for nothing. He could go against the grain of his party if he saw it deviate from its path. When Hindu hardliners celebrated the destruction of the 16th century Babri Mosque at Ayodhya, he was full of personal remorse for the apocalyptic action and called it — in a landmark interview to IANS — the “worst miscalculation” and a “misadventure”. He even despaired that “moderates have no place — who is going to listen to the voice of sanity?”
In his full five-year term, he successively carried forward India’s economic reforms programme with initiatives to improve infrastructure, including flagging off a massive national highway project that has become associated with his vision, went for massive privatisation of unviable state undertakings despite opposition from even within his own party.
While his personal image remained unsullied despite his long innings in the murky politics of this country, his judgment was found wanting when his government was rocked by an arms bribery scandal that sought to expose alleged payoffs to some senior members of his cabinet. His failure to speak up when members of his party and its sister organisations, who are accused of killing more than 1,000 Muslims in Gujarat, was questioned by the liberal fraternity who wondered aloud about his secular proclamations. He wanted then Chief Minister — now Prime Minister, Narendra Modi — to take responsibility for the riots and quit but was prevailed upon by others not to press his decision.
A day before his party lost power, Vajpayee was quoted as saying in a television interview that if and when he stepped down he would like to devote his time to writing and poetry. But fate ruled otherwise. The man who once rued that “I have waited too long to be Prime Minister” found his last days in a world far removed from the adulation and attention — though across the nation people prayed for his well-being — surrounded only by care-givers and close family whom he even failed to recognize. (IANS)
Google’s admission that it had in 2014 inadvertently coded the 112 distress number and the UIDAI helpline number into its setup wizard for Android devices triggered another controversy on Saturday as India’s telecom regulator had only recommended the use of 112 as an emergency number in April 2015.
After a large section of smartphone users in India saw a toll-free helpline number of UIDAI saved in their phone-books by default, Google issued a statement, saying its “internal review revealed that in 2014, the then UIDAI helpline number and the 112 distress helpline number were inadvertently coded into the SetUp wizard of the Android release given to OEMs for use in India and has remained there since”.
However, the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) recommended only in April 2015 that the number 112 be adopted as the single emergency number for the country.
According to Google, “since the numbers get listed on a user’s contact list, these get transferred accordingly to the contacts on any new device”.
Google was yet to comment on the new development.
Meanwhile, French security expert that goes by the name of Elliot Alderson and has been at the core of the entire Aadhaar controversy, tweeted on Saturday: “I just found something interesting. I will probably do full disclosure tomorrow”.
“I’m digging into the code of the @Google SetupWizard app and I found that”.
“As far as I can see this object is not used in the current code, so there is no implications. This is just a poor coding practice in term of security,” he further tweeted.
On Friday, both the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) as well as the telecom operators washed their hand of the issue.
While the telecom industry denied any role in the strange incident, the UIDAI said that he strange incident, the UIDAI said that some vested interests were trying to create “unwarranted confusion” in the public and clarified that it had not asked any manufacturer or telecom service provider to provide any such facility.
Twitter was abuzz with the new development after a huge uproar due to Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) Chairman R.S. Sharma’s open Aadhaar challenge to critics and hackers.
Ethical hackers exposed at least 14 personal details of the TRAI Chairman, including mobile numbers, home address, date of birth, PAN number and voter ID among others. (IANS)
Makar Sankranti is a Hindu Festival observed every year in the month of January
The festival embarks the end of Winter Season and the arrival of Summer Season
Sankranti is a festival of joy and is celebrated with great jest throughout India
Makar Sankranti is one of the most celebrated festivals of India. It is full of colour, jest and joy. This festival is celebrated every year in the month of January. Makar Sankranti 2018 was a huge success, and now it is hard to wait for the Makar Sankranti 2019 which will be on 15th January, next year.
However, before getting all excited about this fun-filled festival. It is important to know about it. Here is all you need to know about the Makar Sankranti Festival.
What is Makar Sankranti and why is it celebrated?
Makar Sankranti is a Hindu festival which almost always arrives on 14th January of every year. The festival is famous for joyous activities like kite flying, bonfires, fairs and feats.
Hindus in different parts of India celebrate this festival in different forms. In north India, Sikhs celebrate it as Lohri. In Assam, it is observed as Magh Bihu, while in Tamil Nadu, it is celebrated as Pongal and as Uttarayan in Gujarat.
The Makar Sankranti festival is dedicated to the Hindu sun deity, Surya, and is celebrated on the occasion of it entering the zodiac sign, Makara (Capricorn). This denotes the arrival of longer days, i.e. the season of summer.
Along with marking the end of Winter season, Makar Sankranti also denotes the beginning of new harvest season.
How is Makar Sankranti Celebrated?
On the day of Makar Sankranti, many people take dips in the holy rivers gaga and Yamuna as it is considered really auspicious and it is believed that one can absolve their sins that way.
People prepare delicacies like Halwa and sesame-seed laddus on this occasion. Bonfires are burnt and people celebrate by dancing around it. Kite flying is also one of the most important activities which are undertaken to celebrate the festival of Sankranti, especially in Gujarat.
One of the most fun parts of the Sankranti Festival is the organisation of various fairs. Fairs like Kumbh Mela, Gangasagar Mela and Makara Mela are some of the most famous fairs which are organised during this Indian festival.
Makara Sankranti is a wonderful festival which is a great way for people to socialise and celebrate together.