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Sheroes Hangout: Cafe Run by Acid Attack Survivors In India Celebrates Second Anniversary

India not only has the highest number of acid attacks in the world, they have also been on the rise – about 350 were reported in 2014

Acid Attack
Laxmi Agarwal (center), an icon among acid attack survivors, says they too have a right to hopes and dreams. VOA

Agra, India, December 20, 2016: Oblivious to the sound of blaring horns as evening traffic rushes by on a busy road in India’s tourist hub of Agra, acid attack survivors sing songs and stomp their feet to lively Bollywood numbers inside a cafe decked out in strings of yellow marigolds.

There is much to celebrate on the second anniversary of Sheroes Hangout, the cafe they run: their emergence into the social mainstream from the shadows where they had hidden their scarred faces; the rekindling of hopes and dreams, a perceptible shift in public attitudes towards them; and the launch of two more cafes in the cities of Lucknow and Udaipur this year.

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The youngest woman, 17-year-old Dolly Kumari Singh, has gone back to school. Like other acid attack victims, she did not dare show her face outside her home after a man burnt her with corrosive chemicals two years ago. But the time she spent working at the cafe gave her the courage to venture back into the classroom.

The young women and girls dance and sing to celebrate two years that have ended their isolation and helped them lead normal lives. (A. Pasricha for VOA)

“When I went back to school, I was wondering if my friends would talk to me?” said Singh. “But they all spoke nicely to me, so did my teacher. I felt so good, I go daily.”

The acceptance she received at school is in large measure due to the impact of the Sheroes Hangout, which was launched in 2014 by Stop Acid Attacks, a Delhi-based nonprofit group. The cafe was set up to bring acid attack survivors out of isolation and create awareness about the plight of girls and women who had simply vanished from public view.

India not only has the highest number of acid attacks in the world, they have also been on the rise – about 350 were reported in 2014. In a male dominated society, the assailants are usually men seeking revenge for spurned marriage proposals, sexual advances or even failing to bring enough dowry.

Acid attack survivors, friends and well wishers gather for the anniversary celebrations of the Sheroes Hangout cafe. (A. Pasricha for VOA)

Among those dancing with the most fervor at the Agra cafe is Laxmi Agarwal, 28, who was attacked with acid in 2005, and today is one of India’s most prominent campaigners for the survivors of such horrific assaults.

“People knew about victims of rape and domestic violence, but little about acid attack survivors,” she said as she joined the more than dozen women who run the three cafes.

That has changed in the past two years as hundreds of customers, Indian and foreign, got to know the women who cook, serve and manage Sheroes Hangout.

More than anything, the cafes have given them courage to move on with their lives.

“We cannot kill our quest for happiness, our dreams. Now we have come out as fighters, not as victims,” said Agarwal.

Sheroes Cafe run by acid attack survivors in the tourist hub of Agra recently celebrated its second anniversary. (A. Pasricha for VOA)

The bursts of laughter, cracking of jokes, singing and dancing, at the anniversary celebrations bear testimony to that.

“I could never even give an answer to anybody if someone spoke to me, but now I can. So much has changed,” said Anshu Rajput. The 18-year-old works at the recently opened cafe in Udaipur.

Another feisty young woman, Farah Khan, says that although she never let her spirit die after her former husband sprayed acid on her face six years ago, she feels good when customers talk to her.

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“In those years, comments people passed only made me stronger, but I could never discuss this topic with anybody, talk to anybody,” said Khan. “Now it feels good to share my story with others.”

That is everyone’s story – of emerging from isolation and misunderstanding into a more caring environment.

Indeed, much has been achieved since Sheroes Hangout was launched in Agra. At least 10 private sector organizations have offered jobs to acid attack survivors, who earlier could not have imagined finding employment, which is one of the key reasons the cafe was started.

Farah Khan (left) and Dolly Kumari Singh (right) celebrate the second anniversary of Sheroes Hangout in Agra. (A. Pasricha for VOA)

Although some could not take advantage of the opportunity because they don’t have the necessary education or job skills, the offers represent a huge shift in attitudes, said Alok Dixit, convener of Stop Acid Attacks.

In Udaipur, where Sheroes Hangout is located in a shopping mall, which gives it more visibility. Other shops have offered to employ them after noticing people streaming into the cafe in a gesture of support.

Recalling the launch of the Agra venture, Dixit said, “We had no idea where we will go because then our targets were not very big. Then slowly we found help.”

People have come forward from all walks of life to boost the campaign in a myriad ways – locals have befriended them, high-profile public figures have dropped by, some have made documentaries.

“Earlier it was solely our responsibility, but now it [the campaign] has distributed among the people,” said Dixit.

Alok Dixit, founder of Stop Acid Attacks, which launched the Sheroes cafes. (A. Pasricha for VOA)

The ultimate aim is for there to be no need to open more cafes as society begins to accept that acid attack survivors have a right to a normal life. At that point, the survivors will not need a support system.

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Many of the girls here are inspired by Laxmi Agarwal’s story, who stopped covering her face four years after being attacked in 2005. The public gaze was initially not easy to handle, but as she emerged at the forefront of the campaign, she walked the fashion ramp in London to raise awareness of violence against women, modeled for an Indian clothing label, and found love. She has an 18-month-old baby with her partner Alok Dixit.

“We never thought it [Sheroes] is the success it has been,” Agarwal said with a note of quiet satisfaction.

Meanwhile, Dixit focuses on the achievements that he says few people notice. On the streets, the stares have stopped.

“When I walk with Laxmi here in Agra, the [public’s] eyes are already comfortable. It makes you a little confident from inside,” he said, with a satisfied smile. “The first reaction is not that ‘See how she is looking,’ and they don’t make fun of them. This has changed.” (VOA)

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Atal Bihari Vajpayee: A Peace Visionary and a Man Who Believed in India’s Destiny and was Ready To Fight For It

It was precisely this persona of Vajpayee -- one merged in Hindutva ideology yet seemingly not wholly willing to bow to it -- that won him admirers cutting across the political spectrum.

Atal Bihari Vajpayee,
Atal Bihari Vajpayee, India's peace visionary. Image: Flickr

Atal Bihari Vajpayee was a man of moderation in a fraternity of jingoistic nationalists; a peace visionary in a region riven by religious animosity; and a man who believed in India’s destiny and was ready to fight for it.

Former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee (93), who died on Thursday, will go down in history as a person who tried to end years of hostility with Pakistan and put development on the front burner of the country’s political agenda. He was also the first non-Congress Prime Minister to complete a full five-year term.

Even though he lived the last 13 years of his life in virtual isolation, dogged by debilitating illnesses and bedridden, he has left an enduring legacy for the nation and the region where he was much loved and respected across the political spectrum and national boundaries, including in Pakistan.

Vajpayee, former Indian Prime Minister
Vajpayee stunned the world by making India a declared nuclear state. Image: Wikimedia Commons

In the tumultuous period he presided over the destiny of the world’s largest democracy, Vajpayee stunned the world by making India a declared nuclear state and then almost went to war with Pakistan before making peace with it in the most dramatic fashion.
In the process, his popularity came to match that of Indira Gandhi, a woman he admired for her guts even as he hated her politics.

He also became the best-known national leader after Indira Gandhi and her father Jawaharlal Nehru.

After despairing for years that he would never become Prime Minister and was destined to remain an opposition leader all his life, he achieved his goal, but only for 13 days, from May 16-28, 1996, after his deputy, L.K. Advani, chose not to contest elections that year.
His second term came on March 19, 1998, and lasted 13 months, a period during which India stunned the world by undertaking a series of nuclear tests that invited global reproach.

Although his tenure again proved short-lived, his and his government’s enhanced stature following the world-defying blasts enabled him to return as Prime Minister for the third time on October 13, 1999, a tenure that lasted a full five-year term.

When finally he stepped down in May 2004, after an election that he was given to believe he would win, it marked the end of a long and eventful political career spanning six decades.

Vajpayee had gone into these elections riding a personality cult that projected him as a man who had brought glory to the nation in unprecedented ways. The BJP’s election strategy rested on seeking a renewed mandate over three broad pillars of achievement that the government claimed — political stability in spite of the pulls and pressures of running a multi-party coalition; a “shining” economy that saw a dizzying 10.4 percent growth in the last quarter of the previous year; and peace with Pakistan that changed the way the two countries looked at each other for over 50 years.

The results of the elections could not have come as a greater shock to a man who was hailed for his achievements and who was named by Time magazine as one of the 100 influential men of the decade.

Success didn’t come easily to the charismatic politician, who was born on Christmas Day in 1924 in Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh, into a family of moderate means. His father was a school teacher and Vajpayee would later recall his early brush with poverty.

He did his Masters in Political Science, studying at the Victoria College in Gwalior and at the DAV College in Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh, where he first contested, and lost, elections. He began his professional career as a journalist, working with Rashtradharma, a Hindi monthly, Panchjanya, a Hindi weekly, and two Hindi dailies, Swadesh and Veer Arjun. By then he had firmly embraced the ideals of the Hindu nationalist Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS).
But even as he struggled to win electoral battles, his command over Hindi, the lingua franca of the North Indian masses, his conciliatory politics and his riveting oratory brought him into public limelight.

Also read: For Modi, Road To 2019 Will Be Steeper

His first entry into Parliament was in 1962 through the Rajya Sabha, the upper house. It was only in 1971 that he won a Lok Sabha election. He was elected to the lower house seven times and to the Rajya Sabha twice.

Vajpayee spent months in prison when Indira Gandhi imposed Emergency rule in June 1975. Image: Wikimedia Commons

Vajpayee spent months in prison when Indira Gandhi imposed Emergency rule in June 1975 and put her political opponents in jail. When the Janata Party took office in 1977, dethroning the Congress for the first time, he became the foreign minister.

The lowest point in his career came when he lost the 1984 Lok Sabha polls, that too from his birthplace Gwalior, after Rajiv Gandhi won an overwhelming majority following his mother Indira Gandhi’s assassination. And the BJP he led ended up with just two seats in
the 545-member Lok Sabha, in what looked like the end of the road for the right-wing party.

In no time, Vajpayee was replaced and “eclipsed” by his long-time friend L.K. Advani.
Although they were the best of friends publicly, Vajpayee never fully agreed with Advani’s and the assorted Hindu nationalist groups’ strident advocacy of Hindutva, an ideology ranged against the idea of secular India.

Often described as the right man in the wrong party, there were also those who belittled him as a moderate “mask” to a hardline Hindu nationalist ideology. Often he found his convictions and value systems at odds with the party, but the bachelor-politician never went against it.

It was precisely this persona of Vajpayee — one merged in Hindutva ideology yet seemingly not wholly willing to bow to it — that won him admirers cutting across the political spectrum. It was this trait that made him the Prime Minister when the BJP’s allies concluded they needed a moderate to steer a hardliner, pro-Hindu party.

He brought into governance measures that created for India a distinct international status on the diplomatic and economic fronts. In his third prime ministerial stint, Vajpayee launched a widely acclaimed diplomatic initiative by starting a bus service between New Delhi and Pakistan’s Lahore city.

Its inaugural run in February 1999 carried Vajpayee and was welcomed on the border by his Pakistan counterpart Nawaz Sharif. It was suspended only after the 2001 terror attack on the Indian Parliament that nearly led to a war between the two nuclear-armed neighbours.

The freeze between the two countries, including an eyeball-to-eyeball confrontation on the border for nearly a year, was finally cracked in the spring of 2003 when Vajpayee, while in Kashmir, extended a “hand of friendship” to Pakistan. That led to the historic summit in January 2004 with then President Pervez Musharraf in Islamabad — a remarkable U-turn after the failed summit in Agra of 2001. Despite the two men being so far apart in every way, Musharraf developed a strong liking for the Indian leader.

His unfinished task, one that he would probably rue, would be the peace process with Pakistan that he had vowed to pursue to its logical conclusion and a resolution of the Kashmir dispute.

He was not known as “Atal-Ji”, a name that translates into firmness, for nothing. He could go against the grain of his party if he saw it deviate from its path. When Hindu hardliners celebrated the destruction of the 16th century Babri Mosque at Ayodhya, he was full of personal remorse for the apocalyptic action and called it — in a landmark interview to IANS — the “worst miscalculation” and a “misadventure”. He even despaired that “moderates have no place — who is going to listen to the voice of sanity?”

In his full five-year term, he successively carried forward India’s economic reforms programme with initiatives to improve infrastructure, including flagging off a massive national highway project that has become associated with his vision, went for massive privatisation of unviable state undertakings despite opposition from even within his own party.

While his personal image remained unsullied despite his long innings in the murky politics of this country, his judgment was found wanting when his government was rocked by an arms bribery scandal that sought to expose alleged payoffs to some senior members of his cabinet. His failure to speak up when members of his party and its sister organisations, who are accused of killing more than 1,000 Muslims in Gujarat, was questioned by the liberal fraternity who wondered aloud about his secular proclamations. He wanted then Chief Minister — now Prime Minister, Narendra Modi — to take responsibility for the riots and quit but was prevailed upon by others not to press his decision.

A day before his party lost power, Vajpayee was quoted as saying in a television interview that if and when he stepped down he would like to devote his time to writing and poetry. But fate ruled otherwise. The man who once rued that “I have waited too long to be Prime Minister” found his last days in a world far removed from the adulation and attention — though across the nation people prayed for his well-being — surrounded only by care-givers and close family whom he even failed to recognize. (IANS)