

Key Points
Shekhar Gupta says Punjab's Khalistan insurgency imposed restrictions on women, education, media and public life similar to those later associated with Taliban-controlled Afghanistan.
Journalists allegedly faced intimidation, censorship and pressure to adopt militant-approved language while reporting on the conflict.
The Panthic Committee issued codes of conduct language and media coverage, highlighting the extent of militant influence during the insurgency.
THE INSURGENCY PERIOD IN PUNJAB was a volatile and unstable period in the state, marked by militant-induced violence and counter-insurgent measures by police. The decade-long period, starting from the mid-1980s and lasting till the mid-1990s, was driven by Sikh separatist militants who were staunchly demanding for a separate Sikh state — Khalistan. The violent separatist conflict resulted in the killings of hundreds of civilians, security personnel, and terrorists.
What's a lesser known fact, is that conditions during the insurgency period in Punjab were eerily similar to the ones that were happening to Afghanistan under Taliban’s control. Imposition of modest dress codes upon women, banning music and radios, and restricting press freedom, were some of the ‘changes’ that the separatist militants were making across Punjab. Whoever dared to raise a voice against them or toed the line was harshly punished or killed.
In a latest episode of ThePrint’s ‘Cut The Clutter’ series, editor-in-chief Shekhar Gupta, drawing upon his own experiences as a journalist and from text sources, details the harrowing details about the insurgency period in Punjab, which he termed it as “Talibanization” of the state.
In December 1990, Shekhar Gupta, along with other journalists, traveled to Punjab’s Khem Kharan region to document the ongoing situation within the state. Shekhar Gupta revealed how matters within the state, which was ruled and governed by separatists militants, were so dire that no one dared to step out of their house post-sunset. Even hardened journalists who have witnessed violence elsewhere were afraid to travel in the state after the sun went down, for fear that militants would stop and ask them to prove their identity. At that time, if a journalist was from a state other than Punjab, they were usually spared by the militants. But proving one’s identity was a tricky thing, as journalists were often under suspicion of being disguised agents.
Punjab went quiet after the sun went down, Shekhar recalled. The usual hubbub of a rural community one would usually expect from an Indian village was not witnessed in Khem Kharan, as terror groups deemed all music as illegal or blasphemous. Televisions and radios went silent after sundown, even dogs weren't allowed to bark for fear they would alert the militants’ movement during nighttime. This situation, Shekhar remarked, was similar to that of Afghanistan under Taliban control.
Shekhar also shared many such changes that the separatist militants imposed across Punjab, which were quite similar to what the Taliban was doing. Terror groups went after education in the region, and wanted the study curriculum to be altered as per their liking. The national anthem Jana Gana Mana was forbidden to be played or sung at schools, and similar restrictions were imposed on any Hindi language songs.
See also: Was Jaswant Singh Khalra Flirting with the Khalistani Movement? Old Video Reignites the Debate
The restrictions on women’s clothing didn't just end there. They were barred from wearing jeans, pants, sarees, skirts, or dresses. Any accessories, such as lipstick or bindis, were forbidden too.
In addition to the cultural changes that the militants and their terror groups were enforcing, they also sought another change within the region — of narrative and messaging. Shekhar recalled the very specific terminologies they were dictated to use for Sikh separatist militants. Journalists weren’t permitted to use the term ‘terrorists’ to refer to the militants, instead, they had to be named as Kharkoos (a self-designated term for Sikh militants), or Khalistami Mujahideen. Every militant’s name had to be prefixed by ‘bhai’ or ‘sardar,’ and in case of dead militants, journalists were required to use ‘shahid’ (martyred) as prefix.
Doordarshan (DD), the nation’s premier broadcasting channel, was mandated to stop broadcasting in Hindi language in Punjab. Chitrahar, a popular musical show of DD that showcased songs from bollywood movies, was required to include subtitles in Punjabi language.
Quoting a text from the book ‘Turmoil in Punjab’ penned by IAS officer Ramesh Inder Singh, Shekhar shared further information about the state of press freedom in Punjab during that insurgency and militant rule.
Shekhar shared a new media practice that was emerging in print media at that time — called sphastikarans, or ‘explanations.’ Print media would print these sphastikarans of citizens that were threatened by militants for alleged misdemeanors or violations of the code of conduct and enforced by them. Citizens would explain the reason behind their alleged misdemeanor and request mercy from the militants. Hence, the media became the mode of communication between the citizens and the militants. This new media practice of sphastikarans suited both the militants and the media, as the former got publicity and the latter got advertising revenue from the citizens.
The press also came under intense pressure from the militants to be their mouthpiece and propaganda machine. Reading a paragraph from Turmoil in Punjab, Shekhar states how media outlets were forced to publish eulogies of every dead terrorist, whom they had to refer to as Kharkoos or militants. If a news outlet refused to do so, armed terrorists would march into their offices and force them to comply. Terrorists edicts, codes of conduct, obituaries, bandh calls, warnings, and sphastikarans became a regular feature in newspapers.
See also: Was Jaswant Singh Khalra a Khalistan Supremacist? Here’s What His Long-Known Associate Has to Say
Media capitulation— that is complete removal of editorial independence owing to external pressure — in Punjab was complete when media outlets were forced to publish assassins Jinda and Sukha’s letter. General Arunkumar Shridhar Vaidya, the then Chief of Army Staff who played a decisive role in the 1984 Operation Blue Star, was assassinated by two Sikh militants named Harjinder Singh Jinda and Sukhdev Singh Sukha. After Vaidhya’s assassination, Jinda-Sukha penned a 21-page letter and directed media outlets to publish it. PTI and UNI, India’s two leading news agencies, circulated the letter and directed news outlets to publish it. Many newspapers printed the letter in its entirety, or published an abridged version or extracts of it.
Directives issued by the Panthic committee worsened the state of press freedom in Punjab. On November 22, 1990, the Panthic Committee, led by Sohan Singh, issued a detailed code of conduct and threatened severe punishment for journalists who violated it. The court also barred the media from using the term “terrorists”.
This was followed by a series of other codes. In December 1990, the Panthic Committee issued a language code that mandated the use of Punjabi in the state. Non-compliance was often punished by the militants.
Such were the threats perpetuated by the militants that when the police wanted the confession of terrorist Harminder Singh Happy to be broadcasted, the Doodarshan crew didn't show up for fear of their lives.
Shekhar Gupta’s account of the insurgency period in Punjab reveals just how volatile and unstable the state was during those tumultuous times. From enforcing a modest clothing mandate on women to extreme control over the press, the reign of the Sikh separatist militants in Punjab was much similar to what the Taliban did in Afghanistan.
(Edited by Harsh Pandey)
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