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Was Lal Bahadur Shastri a ‘personal servant’ of Jawahar Lal Nehru rather than his successor?

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Was Lal Bahadur Shastri a 'personal servant' of Jawahar Lal Nehru rather than his successor? argues Anil Rajvanshi
Was Lal Bahadur Shastri a 'personal servant' of Jawahar Lal Nehru rather than his successor? argues Anil Rajvanshi

BY ANIL K. RAJVANSHI

I saw Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru only two times in my life and had no personal interaction with him. Hence all these anecdotes are from the people who knew him closely.

The first time I saw Jawahar Lal Nehru was sometime in 1961. Nehru had come to Lucknow for some meeting either at the Central Drug Research Institute (CDRI) or Lucknow University and he was supposed to pass through Hazratganj the main thorough-fare of Lucknow.

I still remember vividly the moment he came in view near the Mayfair building at a considerable speed in his cavalcade; he appeared like a white man in kurta- pajama. He was not wearing his Nehru cap and as he was quite bald, I saw a halo and a glow around his head. This was my first impression of Nehru.

As Nehru’s cavalcade came near Mayfair cinema my father shouted “Pandit Nehru ki Jai”. So when Nehru saw him he threw a bouquet at him. Those were the times when the Prime Minister of India went in an open motor car without any fear.

My father Jagdish Prasad Rajvanshi went to jail with Gandhi ji during 1942 Quit India movement. He told me many stories about Nehru since he knew him well.

During 1940s my father was studying for his Ph.D. in Allahabad University and came to know Nehru. So anytime Pandit ji needed a book from the University library a chit was sent to my father giving the book’s details. My father would check it out from the library and take it to Anand Bhawan where it would be given to one of Nehru’s assistants or servants.

My father told me that once nobody came to the door to take the book so he was ushered in by Vijaylakshmi Pandit (Nehru’s sister) to Nehru’s study and told to put the book on his table.

For youngsters like my father (he was about 23-24 years of age at the time of this episode) Nehru and Gandhi ji were like gods. So when he went to his study table and saw an ashtray full of cigarette butts he was shocked. Nehru was very particular about his image so he never smoked or drank in public.

Later on my father told me of another incident. After his release from the Lucknow jail in 1946 my father wrote a book “Havalaat” about his experiences of being interned in a solitary confinement cell.

He wanted to gift the book to the Prime Minister. So he went to Teen Murti House, the Prime Minister’s residence in Delhi. It was 15th August and Nehru was getting ready to go to the Red Fort. I think this was either in 1948 or 49. Rafi Ahmed Kidwai who was then the Agriculture minister in Central Government was standing in the portico and waiting to accompany Nehru to Red Fort. My father knew Rafi saheb very well since he was his protégé. So he requested Kidwai ji to give the book to Pandit Nehru. Rafi saheb said that he should give the book to Nehru himself. By this time Pandit Nehru came out of the house and though he was in hurry to go, still he greeted my father, read the jacket of the book and as per his custom, wrote his name and date on the first page of the book. He then told his peon to put the book in his bedroom for his bedtime reading. That was the quality of Nehru as a literary person and a great book lover!

A similar story was told to me by my father’s friend Ratan Lal Joshi. Joshi ji was the editor of Hindi newspaper Hindustan in 60s and 70s and a very close confidant of Indira Gandhi. Joshi ji told me that Nehru used to invite intellectuals to Teen Murti house in the evening for tea and the intellectually stimulating conversation was his way of relaxing.

The second and the last time I saw Pandit Nehru was in the Parliament in 1961. My father’s friend Sunder Lal, a dynamic young Congress MP took me and my family to see the Parliament. Sunder Lal was an important member of the congress party and was the youngest MP elected in India’s first election in 1951. He remained an MP till 1986 – the year he died and only lost an election in 1977 when Indira Gandhi was also defeated. I was only 11 years old, so had no interest in hearing the speakers. But saw Pandit Nehru from the visitors’ gallery. He was listening to a speech of Morarji Desai (Finance Minister of India at that time) and after 15-20 minutes left the Lok Sabha. Most MPs also left the parliament after him.

Shri. Sunder Lal was a bachelor and considered me as his son. We used to discuss lots of issues about India and he told me many anecdotes of Pandit Nehru.

It was generally said that Pandit Nehru chose Lal Bahadur Shastri as his successor. But according to Sunder Lal he was almost like a personal servant of Nehru rather than his successor.

Quite a number of times when Nehru was in Kashmir for holiday and wanted some book or items of clothing, he would call Indira Gandhi in Delhi and tell her to send them. Almost invariably Lal Bahadur Shastri brought them in a small suitcase to Srinagar.

Similarly once somebody suggested to Nehru that they should discuss certain issues regarding party matter with Shastri. Nehru shot back saying that Shastri does not know anything about them. Nehru had a very low opinion of Shastri.

Sunder Lal ji also told me that people considered Indira Gandhi as a mute doll (goongi gudiya) but she was sharp and managed Nehru’s household both in Teen Murti house and in Srinagar quite well.

It was a general practice that Nehru invited intellectuals for lunch. Indira Gandhi would call the lunch guests beforehand and briefed them that under no circumstances any controversial topic should be discussed because Nehru would lose his temper and this would increase his blood pressure. With his heart problems his temper was a major cause of concern to Indira Gandhi.

Sunder Lal ji told me of an occasion during the lunch when Nehru started becoming angry with a guest. So Indira Gandhi immediately rose and offered the guest a plate of choicest dish and changed the subject!

According to Sunder Lal it was Govind Ballabh Pant the Home Minister who persuaded Nehru to bring Indira Gandhi into active politics so she could help Nehru. He would constantly remind Nehru that she has learnt so many political lessons by observing her father and also being with Gandhi ji and so would be a natural choice to become a Congress Working Committee member. Though Nehru outwardly showed that it was unethical but was never forceful enough to oppose it and so he was the one who really started the dynastic process. Naturally Indira Gandhi took it to its logical conclusion and till today we are still suffering the Nehru-Gandhi family!

The grooming of Indira Gandhi was so perfect that she started talking and giving speeches just like her father. My father told me about an incident in early 1950s when he had invited Nehru to give a speech in Faizabad during an election rally. Nehru could not come so he told my father that Indira Gandhi will come on his behalf. She spoke just like Nehru with similar style and also using the words and ideas that he used. My father said that had her voice not been that of a woman he would have thought that Nehru himself was speaking!

Even with all these shortcomings I think he was a great prime minister who had certain vision for India. Naturally he was a prisoner of his time so that the vision was colored by those times and events. Now in hindsight some consider it flawed. Nevertheless he had a vision for the country, was a great patriot and was honest. Such qualities unfortunately have not been seen in prime ministers of recent past.

My father also told me about the gutsy behavior of Indira Gandhi during that meeting. It was getting dark when the meeting ended and as Indira Gandhi was coming down the dais after her address, some young boys misbehaved with her. She simply used her elbows very effectively in pushing them and hitting them! My father and other congress workers then rushed and made a cordon to escort her out of the venue.

Nehru never liked to give speeches about local issues. His mind would always be involved in world affairs. My father told me of an incident in Etah (U.P.) where Nehru came to give a speech during the first General election in 1951. Etah was one of the poorest and most backward areas of U.P. and yet Nehru never talked about what his government will do to help this poor district but talked only about U.N. and India’s role in non-alignment movement (NAM)! People trusted him because he was the chosen heir of Gandhi ji and though his talk on U.N. or NAM did not change anything for them yet they voted overwhelmingly for the congress party.

Similarly, Sunder Lal ji also told me that he requested Nehru to give a speech at one of the rural venues in his MP constituency. Nehru shot back saying that he does not like being involved in Mohalla and bylane politics! Yet it was these same poor, humble people who provided a large number of MPs to the Congress party in elections!

This article is a part of two article series ‘My take on Jawaharlal Nehru’ by Anil Rajvanshi. The author is the Director and Hon. Secretary Nimbkar Agricultural Research Institute (NARI). He could be reached at  anilrajvanshi@gmail.com)
NOTE: The views expressed here are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent or reflect the views of NewsGram.

 

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Is NYAY Going To Be A Game Changer for Congress?

The concerns about funds being used for harmful purposes cannot be ruled out. It is due to these challenges many policymakers suggest that instead of making welfare payments to poor households in the form of unrestricted cash transfers the government should focus on in-kind transfers.

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Congress on Friday promised to create one crore jobs across the southern state
Congress state units given more power for 2019 battle- wikimedia commons

By Amit Kapoor & Manisha Kapoor 

The idea of launching Nyuntam Aay Yojana, a cash transfer scheme that intends to provide Rs 72,000 per year to the poorest 20 per cent Indian families, by the Congress Party if it comes to power, has stirred a debate among the policymakers about whether the move is economically viable or is just a tactic by the Congress Party to garner votes in the upcoming general elections.

The discussions are foreseeable, provided that this intervention to ensure basic income to the poor households will cost the country somewhere between 1.5 per cent to 3.4 per cent of GDP, a number higher than the government’s expenditure on healthcare and education. The implementation of NYAY means an additional cost between Rs 3.6 lakh crore to Rs 7.2 lakh crore per year.

To put things in perspective, the expenditure of the proposed scheme is 2.2 times the budget of all centrally sponsored schemes. The party claims that they have worked out all the fiscal calculations before launching the scheme. However, this will be a major dent in India’s budget expenditure and will explode the fiscal deficit from the current 3.4 percent to 6.8 percent.

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An impact evaluation study by UNICEF in Sub-Saharan Africa showed that with the exception of temporary price rise during payment period, cash transfers has no impact on the prices. Pixabay

Apart from fiscal prudence, the other immediate concern surrounding the scheme is the identification of beneficiaries and the database that will be used for this. There is no official income database available with the government at the individual level and since most of the poor work in unorganised rural areas, there is no direct way of verifying their incomes such as through a payroll or income tax.

The proponents of the approach state that a good starting point could be Socio Economic Caste Census of 2011 if one goes by multi-dimensional aspect of poverty. However, one can’t ignore the fact that even if the scheme defines poverty by assets and not income for quick exclusion rules, the data is outdated. A scheme targeted at reducing poverty can’t use data that is seven-eight years old. Even if one ignores that, it should be noted that there are major methodological issues with how data was collected. This is reflected in the discrepancies that exist in the data collected through SECC and other governmental data. A fresh survey for the identification process will lead to possibilities of corruption as in other targeted schemes. For instance, various studies have shown that many people who are not below poverty line have BPL cards.

One should also keep in mind that there exist significant disparities across Indian states and districts in terms of income levels and affordability of basic needs such as education, healthcare etc. Therefore, the same amount that means a lot to a person living in a low-income state or a state that has good access to public facilities such as public hospitals, schools etc would not be enough for a person trying to make a living in a high-income region. As a result, a prerequisite for such a scheme is a detailed regional level survey on income characteristics of Indian states and districts.

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To put things in perspective, the expenditure of the proposed scheme is 2.2 times the budget of all centrally sponsored schemes. The party claims that they have worked out all the fiscal calculations before launching the scheme. Pixabay

Another major concern surrounding the scheme is its inflationary implications. It is argued that the act of transferring cash to the target population will boost their purchasing power, which would lead to an increase in demand for goods and services and, thus, push prices upwards. Advocates of the approach have tried to argue that studies around the world present a lot of evidence to the contrary.

An impact evaluation study by UNICEF in Sub-Saharan Africa showed that with the exception of temporary price rise during payment period, cash transfers has no impact on the prices. However, these evidences should be considered with a pinch of salt. They rest on the assumption that the money will be spent on useful goods, that will help the local economy in becoming more productive. Though this will not be the case always.

Also Read: Food Unites People Across The Globe

The concerns about funds being used for harmful purposes cannot be ruled out. It is due to these challenges many policymakers suggest that instead of making welfare payments to poor households in the form of unrestricted cash transfers the government should focus on in-kind transfers. This idea is supported by claim that in-kind transfers will help by encouraging the consumption of right things, such as healthy food.

Given India’s concerns about rising unemployment rates, jobless growth and the fact that we need to have effective utilization of our young population to gain a competitive edge over other economies, the promoters are trying to project that NYAY can prove to be a game changer. However, for the Indian economy, a better alternative would be to strengthen the existing public services landscape by removing social, political and personal barriers, along with carrying out structural reforms that leads to creation of more productive jobs. (IANS)