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This story by OC Media originally appeared on Global Voices on December 7, 2025.
This article was first published in OC Media on November 28, 2025. An edited version is being republished on Global Voices under a content partnership agreement.
Georgia is no stranger to protests, but the past year marked an unprecedented period of sustained mobilisation. Thousands protested daily to defend Georgia’s European Union (EU) aspirations and oppose the Georgian Dream’s increasingly anti-Western policies, against the backdrop of the disputed October 2024 elections that returned the ruling party to power.
Though their numbers gradually declined, crowds repeatedly filled Rustaveli Avenue, which runs for approximately 1.5 kilometres from Freedom Square. On the one-year anniversary of the movement, we reviewed the major developments…
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Mass protests erupted after Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze announced the suspension of Georgia’s EU integration process. Thousands gathered on Rustaveli Avenue and were immediately met with riot police using water cannons, tear gas, and pepper spray. Protesters resisted with fireworks, sparking two weeks of nightly clashes.
From the outset, police violence was severe. Officers attacked journalists, confiscated equipment, and carried out harsh arrests. Dozens of media workers were injured, including journalist Guram Rogava, who suffered life-threatening injuries during a live broadcast.
Over 450 protesters were detained in the first two weeks alone, and civil society groups reported widespread police brutality. Demonstrators adapted by using protective gear and disabling tear gas canisters, while police escalated their response by deploying massive amounts of gas, then randomly arresting people.
OC Media co-founder Mariam Nikuradze was nearly arrested and had her second camera destroyed. Authorities also raised the fines for road-blocking tenfold, making participation financially punishing.
Rustaveli Avenue was decorated for Christmas, but protesters continuously repurposed the installations by placing banners and photos of tortured detainees. The Christmas tree was eventually lit without ceremony due to the unrest.
Protesters celebrated New Year on Rustaveli with a public feast. The mass dispersal of demonstrators by riot police decreased after the government banned fireworks, face masks and lasers, and protests became more peaceful. Thematic marches grew, including protests against judicial bias. At one event, judges were confronted and pelted with eggs.
Media founder Mzia Amaghlobeli was detained in Batumi, prompting solidarity rallies. Smaller disobedience marches formed in Tbilisi, with some participants deliberately wearing banned face masks. A three-hour general strike saw significant cross-sector participation.
Theatre actors staged mobile performances to support arrested actor Andro Chichinadze. Meanwhile, the Council of the EU suspended visa-free travel for Georgian diplomatic passport holders, and the government froze participation in the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) after its demand for new elections.
Protesters attempted to block a major Tbilisi exit — now a criminal offence — prompting heavy police deployment that itself caused traffic gridlock. Several opposition leaders were arrested.
Georgian Dream established a commission intended to punish the former ruling United National Movement (UNM) party, but its mandate expanded to target most opposition groups. More marches demanded snap elections.
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Protesters marched daily from the Georgian Public Broadcaster to parliament to condemn biased coverage and politically motivated firings. Demonstrators beat drums, used megaphones, and read the names of imprisoned protesters.
Another protest front emerged against the anti-opposition parliamentary committee, especially after parliamentary member Tea Tsulukiani claimed that national hero Giorgi Antsukhelidze had been “sacrificed for somebody’s ambitions,” alluding to ex-President Saakashvili.
Georgian Dream, meanwhile, approved new legislation, including a so-called Georgian translation of the United States’ FARA law, replacing the controversial foreign agent law. Amendments also barred broadcasters from receiving any foreign funding. All laws passed unanimously in the absence of opposition MPs.
Protesters marked the 36th anniversary of the April 9, 1989 Soviet crackdown by camping on Rustaveli Avenue in order to confront government officials attending the commemoration.
Georgian Dream used the anniversary to attack critics, comparing modern demonstrators to Soviet soldiers, while avoiding any mention of Russia. Tbilisi City Hall’s Animal Monitoring Agency repeatedly removed protest dogs, several of which were never found.
In mid-April, the government restricted foreign grants for both civil society and media, and limited political donations. Protesters marked Easter together outside Kashveti Cathedral.
Police raided the homes of protest fund organisers, increasing pressure on demonstrators already burdened by heavy fines. Many began seeking ways to avoid identification by AI facial-recognition systems.
On Labour Day, protesters in Tbilisi expressed solidarity with miners striking in Chiatura, while the main protest on Rustaveli persisted through cold and rain. Large marches with Georgian and EU flags became more common. Demonstrators continued their protests inside the metro before returning to parliament, which they frequently began to refer to as “home.”
People marched on Europe Day and held parallel Independence Day events on May 26, where President Salomé Zourabichvili and Lithuanian Member of the European Parliament (MEP) Rasa Juknevičienė spoke. Late in the month, opposition leaders were detained for failing to attend Georgian Dream’s investigative commission.
Mothers of imprisoned protesters travelled across Georgia, meeting residents and distributing newspapers with letters from detainees. As new restrictions emerged, protesters devised creative methods of resistance.
One initiative involved forming protest messages on zebra crossings; during one action, a car ploughed into demonstrators, injuring several, including photojournalist Mariam Mekantsishvili, who suffered a broken rib.
For the 200th day of protest, demonstrators burned a Russian flag and spray-painted the word “revolution” near parliament, all while wearing Guy Fawkes masks. Georgian Dream then proposed new bills sharply limiting media coverage of court trials, while also suggesting salary increases for judges.
The body of Vano Nadiradze, a Georgian volunteer fighter in Ukraine, was returned home without the traditional military reception; protesters organised their own tribute.
A growing tradition emerged of celebrating imprisoned protesters’ birthdays outside prisons. Orphaned protester Archil Museliantsi passed his national exams from behind bars with support from demonstrator Tsaro Oshakmashvili, who had symbolically adopted him.
Evictions of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and socially vulnerable families in Tbilisi’s Samgori District triggered more protests and 17 arrests. During the hot summer, demonstrators brought water guns to Rustaveli to cool off and entertain children.
Courts issued numerous sentences against detained protesters. Journalist Mzia Amaghlobeli was sentenced to two years, prompting nationwide solidarity. In an unexpected turn, three protesters initially facing drug-possession charges and potential eight to 20-year sentences were cleared.
Amid new restrictions on independent media, 22 outlets united to crowdfund for survival under the slogan “The lights must stay on.”
More protesters were sentenced as local elections approached. Clashes erupted at mayoral candidate Kakha Kaladze’s campaign headquarters; Georgian Dream supporters attacked protesters and journalists, but no one was punished.
Protester Megi Diasamidze was arrested for writing a message on an election poster. Droa leader Elene Khoshtaria replicated the act and was arrested as well; she refused bail and remains imprisoned.
Courts began jailing repeat protest offenders for unpaid fines related to road-blocking.
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While women organised a solidarity march for imprisoned protesters, a key event was the October 4 local elections, which was boycotted by major opposition groups and resulted in another Georgian Dream landslide. Thousands protested during the vote, and clashes erupted near the presidential residence; 64 people were arrested.
New regulations imposed up to one year in prison for repeated road-blocking offences. Despite this, dozens continued blocking Rustaveli. Protester Zurab Menteashvili became the first to face criminal charges for road-blocking and remains in pre-trial detention. Disabled protester Ioseb Kheoshvili, meanwhile, continued demonstrating even after multiple GEL 5,000 (USD 1,850) fines.
In other developments, former prime minister Irakli Gharibashvili was placed under investigation for corruption and agreed to cooperate. Protester Nino Datashvili, facing four to seven years in prison, was released on bail after her health deteriorated.
Authorities filed sweeping new charges against nearly all major opposition leaders, including coup attempts and unlawful coordination with foreign states, which carry penalties of up to 15 years.
As the one-year anniversary of the protests neared, police were deployed en masse to prevent road-blocking. Protesters responded by marching on smaller streets, prompting police to block even sidewalks. Dozens were detained for resisting or insulting officers, and while most charges collapsed in court, detainees were still either fined or jailed administratively. Anyone leading marches with a megaphone risked immediate arrest.
On November 25, protesters symbolically handcuffed themselves together to avoid arrest. Despite declining numbers, hundreds — sometimes thousands — continue to protest daily. The duration of the movement remains uncertain, but the government’s shift toward authoritarianism appears unmistakable.
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