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On 12 September 1996, a speech took place in the Lok Sabha of the Indian parliament, wherein it was introduced that from now on, one-third of seats will be reserved for women in the Lok Sabha and state legislative assemblies. But, when we look at the present scenario of women representation in the Indian parliament, it is evident how the Women's Reservation Bill exists only on paper and is yet to become operational
Even an analysis was done by the PRS Legislative Research, and it showed that less than fifteen percent of the women are a part of the Lok Sabha and state legislative assemblies. Moreover, it is understood that when there is less representation of women in the legislative bodies, then its impact is directly seen on the country's decision making and policy framing.
In fact, globally, India stands at the 148th position out of a list of 193 countries when it comes to women representation in their national parliaments. When twenty-five years ago, the bill regarding women's representation was introduced in the parliament, loud debates and voices of resistance were heard. Even objectionable comments on women and their minimal role in the society were made. Many regional and national parties, like the right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Congress, and the United Front coalition government which brought the first legislation in 1996, have made numerous attempts to pass the bill.
When asked from many women political leaders, they said that the bill exists only on paper because men are incapable of giving up their seats to women. Photo by Liam Edwards on Unsplash
When asked from many women political leaders, they said that the bill exists only on paper because men are incapable of giving up their seats to women. Even if you see today, only one state is represented by a woman, and that is West Bengal whose chief minister is Mamata Banerjee. This clearly shows a wide gap between the representation of men and women in Indian politics.
Back in 2014, when Lok Sabha elections took place, BJP and Congress, both the leading parties of India committed to implement the bill. But as we know, it did not happen. In fact, it is vile to see how even the “panchayat" or village level government secures fifty percent reservation for women. But, the same could not be done at a national level.
Seeing this situation, we must note that the representation of women in a country matters significantly because it affects directly on the nature of the country. In easy terms, the more the representation of women, the more will the country elevate. Hence, it is high time to make the Women's Reservation Bill operational and successful in India, which is one of the larger democracies of the world.
Keywords: Women, Representation, Equality, India, Democracy, Parliament, Governments.
Free electricity is becoming a winning formula for elections, as per the IANS-CVoter Live Tracker.
Ahead of the 2022 Assembly elections in different states, while AAP leader and Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal has announced to give free electricity in Uttarakhand, Samajwadi Party leader Akhilesh Yadav has promised free electricity in Uttar Pradesh.
As many as 50.29 percent of respondents in the survey said the promise of free electricity is becoming a winning formula for elections while 35.28 percent said no, a party can't win elections just by the promise of free electricity. Also, 50.92 percent said providing free electricity affects the revenue of the states, which affects other essential services that are provided to the public.
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The sample size of the survey is 1,225. CVoter NewsTracker Surveys in India are based on a national representative random probability sample as used in the globally standardized RDD CATI methodology, covering all geographic and demographic segments across all states. This daily live tracker survey is based on interviews of adult (18+) respondents across all socio-economic segments. The data is weighted to the known census profile. The standard margin of error: +/- 3 percent at national trends and +/- 5 percent at regional/zonal trends with a 95 percent confidence level.
Arvind Kejriwal has announced to give free electricity in Uttarakhand.Wikimedia Commons
Kejriwal in a visit to Dehradun, the capital of Uttarakhand on Sunday, made three promises - free electricity up to 300 units for every household, old electricity bills will be waived off completely, free electricity for agriculture purposes, and the fourth and the last - zero power cut in Uttarakhand, if his party (AAP) forms the government in the state.
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AAP's announcement came around a week after the state's ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) promised to provide free electricity up to 100 units per day and for above the people have to pay only 50 percent of their total electricity.
Having an experimented formula to provide subsidized power for the last six years in Delhi, Kejriwal explained how 300 units of electricity can be given for free to the people of Uttarakhand.
Replying to queries of reporters in Dehradun, the AAP head said: "We have not made this announcement just out of the air, we have made a calculated estimate for this. Uttarakhand's annual budget is around Rs 50,000 crore, of which only Rs 1,200 crore will be the cost for subsided electricity." (IANS/KB)
In the cabinet expansion, just one ministry was given to alliance partner Janata Dal-United (JDU). Only Ram Chandra Prasad Singh (RCP Singh) was inducted and given the steel ministry, but Nitish Kumar did not congratulate him publicly on social media.
As per the trend in Indian politics these days, after every development including the birthday of the leader, a flurry of congratulatory messages hit social media like Twitter, Facebook, WhatsApp, Instagram, etc. Nitish Kumar, a day after RCP Singh become a Union minister, has so far not posted any congratulatory message for him on social media.
Political analysts believe that the JDU wanted at least 2 cabinet minister posts -- one for RCP Singh and another for Nitish Kumar's closest aide Lalan Singh. As Modi has included just RCP Singh, he did not want Lalan Singh to get angry.
The Chief Minister of Bihar, Shri Nitish Kumar with Prime Minister, Shri Narendra Modi.Wikimedia Commons
"At present, RCP Singh is holding the post of national president of JDU while Lalan Singh is the MP from Munger. These two are the closest aides of Nitish Kumar. They are supposed to be occupying the number 2 slots in the party. There is a political rivalry between them and Nitish Kumar does not want any of them to get angry. Lalan Singh was the one who was reportedly instrumental in breaking the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP)," said a JDU senior leader who requested anonymity.
"Nitish Kumar may have congratulated RCP Singh personally but has not expressed the same publicly," he said.
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RCP Singh has already given a statement about Lalan Singh and said: "There is no difference between Lalan Singh and me. He is the senior leader of the party."
"There is a buzz inside the JDU that RCP Singh was given the responsibility to bargain with the BJP to bag at least two cabinet ministers' posts and two posts of a state minister. But Singh failed and just got one ministry for himself," another senior leader said.
He added that if the JDU needed only one post then why did it not accept it in 2019? Why did it delay for two years? Meanwhile, supporters of the JDU and RCP Singh have put up new posters and banners at the CM's residence, the JDU office, and other places in Patna to congratulate Singh. (IANS/KB)
The RSS, which has just appointed Dattatreya Hosabale as its new General Secretary, is like the tip of an iceberg, exerting its influence much beyond what is visible, says a new book that traces its 95-year history. Beginning with the choice of Narendra Modi as the forerunner for the 2014 general election up to the campaign for the 2019 polls, RSS cadres have been a formidable force behind the staggering rise of the BJP in national politics.
In “The Republic of Hindutva” (Penguin), social historian and cultural anthropologist Badri Narayan offer an intimate glimpse of how the Sangh and its vast network of educational, cultural, and social outfits have been digging deep roots in the Indian psyche. The Republic of Hindutva refashioning its modes of mobilization as well as assimilating Dalits, OBCs, tribals, and other marginalized communities, the RSS has made the Hindutva metanarrative appealing to a large section of Indians.
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During elections, the BJP, instead of wiping outcaste from electoral politics, reaps rich political dividends from this social appropriation. Drawing on extensive field research in the heartland of India and interviews with RSS volunteers, the author reveals how a new public is being forged at the grassroots, one that will determine the course of Indian democracy.
Badri Narayan is a director at the G.B. Pant Social Science Institute, a constituent of the University of Allahabad. His research interests lie in popular culture, social and anthropological history, Dalit and subaltern issues, and the relationship between power and culture.
Writing in both English and Hindi, Narayan is the author of “Fractured Tales: Invisibles in Indian Democracy” (2016), “Kanshiram: Leader of the Dalits” (2014), “The Making of the Dalit Public in North India: Uttar Pradesh, 1950 Present” (2011), “Fascinating Hindutva: Saffron Politics and Dalit Mobilisation” (2009) and “Women Heroes and Dalit Assertion in North India” (2006).
He is a regular contributor to leading publications, such as The Hindu, the Indian Express, and the Economic and Political Weekly, among others. He has been a recipient of the Fulbright Senior Fellowship (2004, 05) and the Smuts Fellowship, University of Cambridge (2007). (IANS/SP)